Ukraine's National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office (SAPO) conducted early-morning searches on November 28 at premises linked to Andriy Yermak, head of President Volodymyr Zelensky's office. By day's end, Zelensky announced that Yermak had submitted his resignation as part of what he described as a "reboot" of the presidential administration, according to reporting by The Guardian and UNN. The move followed Yermak's public confirmation that "procedural actions" were underway and that he was cooperating with investigators, as reported by Bloomberg.
The searches and resignation represent the most direct institutional challenge yet to Zelensky's inner circle since the full-scale Russian invasion. Yermak has served as the president's chief gatekeeper on foreign policy, donor relations, and access to peace negotiation channels—including recent contacts with Washington. His sudden departure arrives as Ukraine faces parallel pressures: maintaining Western assistance flows tied explicitly to anti-corruption benchmarks, navigating nascent US-led peace feelers, and demonstrating that its institutions can function without political interference even when investigations reach the apex of power.
The Energoatom probe reaches the President's Office
The searches form part of Operation "Midas," a 15-month NABU and SAPO investigation into an alleged $100 million kickback scheme centered on Energoatom, Ukraine's state nuclear operator. According to NABU, the scheme extracted commissions of 10 to 15 percent from contractors through a so-called "shlahbaum" or barrier mechanism, with proceeds laundered via an office tied to the family of Andriy Derkach—a former Ukrainian MP now serving as a Russian senator. NABU and SAPO have formally notified seven individuals of suspicion and detained five; the investigation remains ongoing, and all persons are presumed innocent until proven guilty.
Businessman Timur Mindich—widely described in Ukrainian media as a long-time associate of Zelensky—is alleged by investigators to have led the criminal organization and has since fled. Multiple recordings obtained during the probe reference the alias "Ali Baba." Opposition MP Yaroslav Zheleznyak has claimed publicly that this refers to Yermak. SAPO chief Oleksandr Klymenko stated that an individual using that alias pressured anti-corruption agencies, but neither NABU nor SAPO has confirmed the identity on record. No charges have been filed against Yermak at the time of writing; the searches were procedural, and attribution of the alias remains contested.
The scale of the operation—more than 70 searches and thousands of hours of intercepted communications—makes it the most consequential anti-graft effort of Zelensky's presidency. Energoatom generates roughly half of Ukraine's electricity, and wartime conditions transformed it into both a profit center and a corruption magnet. European partners regard its governance as a bellwether for broader reform credibility and a litmus test for EU accession conditionality, as detailed in Ukraine's Energoatom scandal tests European solidarity at critical moment.
Why Yermak's exit disrupts the diplomatic machinery
Yermak's role extended far beyond traditional chief-of-staff duties. He centralized control over foreign policy execution, cultivated direct channels with senior officials in Washington, Brussels, and key European capitals, and orchestrated Ukraine's messaging on reconstruction, security guarantees, and peace scenarios. His fingerprints were visible on everything from grain-corridor diplomacy to sanctions coordination and the choreography of Zelensky's summits with Western leaders.
His departure—if formalized—introduces immediate friction into Ukraine's external posture. Diplomatic counterparts accustomed to working through Yermak will require rapid clarity on new interlocutors and decision pathways. Peace negotiation tracks, especially those involving US envoys exploring ceasefire parameters, risk short-term confusion over who holds final authority to signal Ukrainian positions. While the Office of the President retains institutional continuity, the loss of Yermak's accumulated relationships and tactical knowledge represents a non-trivial operational gap at a diplomatically sensitive moment.
Members are reading: How the investigation's outcome will determine reconstruction finance, peace-talk leverage, and whether Ukraine's anti-graft institutions retain operational autonomy.
What comes next: succession, prosecutions, and signal management
Ukraine's Western partners will be watching three variables closely in the coming weeks. First, whether NABU and SAPO proceed with their investigation free from political interference, culminating in either substantiated charges or transparent case closure. Second, how quickly and clearly the Office of the President designates replacement interlocutors for donor coordination and peace-track diplomacy, minimizing disruption to critical external relationships. Third, whether Energoatom undergoes the governance overhaul—supervisory appointments, procurement reform, asset recovery—that European and international financiers have made a precondition for renewed engagement.
Yermak's resignation, occurring within hours of the searches, suggests Zelensky recognizes that maintaining institutional credibility and Western confidence requires visible accountability at the top. Whether that gesture translates into structural reform or remains a tactical firewall will shape Ukraine's negotiating position in any peace process and determine the trajectory of European solidarity through the next phase of the war.
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